The Zhirinovsky Interview moreThe Woodstock Road Editorial: An Oxford Magazine of International Affairs [St. Antony's College], no. 16 (1994), pp. 3-5. |
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Fascism, Russian Politics, Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Russian Nationalism, Russian Studies, Post-Soviet Regimes, Post-Soviet Politics, Post-Soviet Studies, Colonialism, Imperialism, Empire, Nationalism, Neo-Fascism, Extremist Groups, and Politics of Russia
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The Zhirinovsky Interview
PLUS:
Terence Ranger on Tribalisation
NATO's 'Partnership for Peace'
The Kurdish Question
Islam and the Media
Contents
WRE Special
The Zhirinovsky Interview - Andreas Umland........................................................................................................................3
Eastern Europe
The Illusion of Security - LeszekJesien..................................................................................................................................6
NATO: "A Promise to Marry" - An Interview with Dr. Jamie P. Shea - Pilar Ortuno-Anaya and Peter Richthofen.............8
A Thousand Little Nizhnys - Gareth Williams......................................................................................................................10
Western Europe
Overcoming Germany's Past - Matthew Beard.....................................................................................................................12
Greece's Balancing Act - Gazmen Xhudo..............................................................................................................................13
Croatian Refugees: A European Dilemma - Peter Belmont Alderman..................................................................................15
Middle East
Fundamental Misconceptions: Islam and the Media - Jens Hansen and Matt Heavens........................................................18
Kurdish Self-Rule: A Fragile Experiment - Khaled Salih.....................................................................................................20
A Vietnam-Style Imbroglio: Turkey's Kurdish Problem - Eric Sean Goldstein....................................................................21
Turkey: The Quest for a Civil Society - Celia Kerslake........................................................................................................23
Lebanon: Past and Future - Rana Hanna..............................................................................................................................24
North America
JFK Deconstructed - Ray Takeyh..........................................................................................................................................26
The Canadian State: Destined to be a "House Divided"? - Tim A. Mau................................................................................28
Medical Malpractice: Tort Reform and the Clinton Health Security Act - Douglas Holden Wigdor...................................30
Latin America
Luis Donaldo Colosio: Next Mexican President? - Monika Lutke-Entrup............................................................................33
Mexico: Bridge or Rampart? NAFTA and Investment in Latin America - E.V.K. Fitzgerald..............................................36
Cuba 35 Years After: Some Reflections on Castro's Revolution - Alison Stone...................................................................38
Africa
What is "Ethnic"? Etymological Reflections - Dr. Saul Dubow..........................................................................................40
Tribalisation of Africa - Retribalisation of Europe - Professor Terence Ranger..................................................................42
The New East-West Divide: A Response to Professor Ranger - Suke Wolton......................................................................46
Asia
One Southeast Asia - Kavi Chongkittavorn...........................................................................................................................48
Japan: The End of Post-War Pacifism? - Hitoshi Ohnishi...................................................................................................50
The End of a Dream: Is India Falling Apart? - Michael Schied............................................................................................51
Tired of Making History: The Student Movement in Post-War Korea - Lew Seok-Choon...................................................52
Arts, Reviews, Ideas
"Dubai or Not to Buy" - The Rise of the Islamic Art Market - Mark Gibson Moran...........................................................54
Global Public Opinion? - Timothy R. Clark..........................................................................................................................55
Defining Women - The Politics of Linguistic Imperialism - Giuliana Lund.........................................................................57
Who Will Cast the First Stone? - David Keen.......................................................................................................................59
Front Cover: Campaign Literature - Courtesy of Vladimir Zhirinovsky. Artwork and design by Matt Heavens and Peter Richthofen.
EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW wre special
Vladimir Zhirinovsky
" The West Will Pay For Us"
While conducting research in Moscow last August, Andreas
Umland had the opportunity to interview Vladimir
Zhirinovsky, leader of the Liberal Democratic Party of
Russia.
WRE: Why have you called your party "liberal demo-
cratic"? It seems that you stand for rather different values,
such as the restoration of the Russian state. You supported
the Emergency Committee [the organizers of the aborted
coup] in August 1991. You are on good terms with Dr. Frey
[leader of the extreme-right German People' s Union], who is
not regarded exactly as a liberal democrat in Germany....
Zhirinovsky: A pure liberal democracy is not possible in
our country. Look: the attempts of [Yegor] Gaidar [the
economic reformer who resigned from the Russian govern-
ment in January 1994] to introduce here a liberal economy
led to a total breakdown. The country is on the brink of ruin,
on the brink of a military coup. Therefore all of this should
have been done step-by-step. Then we would have moved
more quickly towards the liberal model. Time is needed for
this, a lot of time. This [the liberal model] is, so to say, the
direction of our development. That does not mean that this
is the aim that we will translate into reality tomorrow.
WRE: However, good relations with, for example, Iraq
would seem to be contradictory to the principles of Western
liberalism.... [Zhirinovsky has been a strong supporter of
Saddam Hussein, whom he met on a visit to Baghdad. The
LDPR sent volunteers to Iraq at the time of the Gulf War.]
Zhirinovsky: Agreed! However, our attitude to Iraq is
based on the fact that it is a strategic ally as concerns our
foreign policy and not on the basis of its domestic regime....
Iraq has the same enemies as us - Turkey and Iran.... If
Saddam Hussein was in New Zealand or in Ethiopia, in
Somalia or in Chile, I would have no connections with him.
[Our relations] are founded on military-strategic considera-
tions, on geopolitical grounds, concerning the security of our
[southern] borders.
WRE: Shortly after the creation of your party, you had some
contacts with liberal democrats in Western Europe.
Zhirinovsky: Yes, exactly. But they did not want [con-
tacts]. I wanted to have relations with them. It is their fault.
I wanted us to be admitted into the Liberal International [an
international grouping of liberal parties].
WRE: Is this the reason you established contacts with
European right-wing movements?
Zhirinovsky: I established contacts with those who agreed
to have contacts with us, in order to have people in those
countries with whom we could cooperate.
WRE: The German People's Union is not a very influential
party in Germany....
Zhirinovsky: Still, we proceed from the assumption that at
least we have something, some contacts after all.... A certain
closeness already exists. He [Dr. Frey] has invited me. I have
invited him. Yes, they are not very influential. Yet, what can
one do? If the German liberals do not pay us the necessary
attention.... I cannot simply leave it at that. After all, I can
exercise a certain influence in Germany through the German
People's Union, through Munich, Bavaria.... The same with
France: I would like to have more contacts with the Union of
French Democracy of Giscard d'Estaing, with the Gaullists.
Yet, they do not give in, and Le Pen agreed to meet [with me].
Therefore these steps [relations with European right-wing
movements] are forced on me, not because my or my party's
viewpoints correspond with the philosophy [of those groups].
These are actions we are forced to take in order to establish
contacts with these countries.
WRE: The reluctance of liberal democrats in the West to
establish any contacts with you can be explained by, among
other things, the fact that you are proposing the resurrection
of the Russian Empire within its 1914 borders, including
Poland and Finland.
Zhirinovsky: Because they do not know us well enough. It
is necessary for us to meet more often, to talk with each other
and to know our positions. Therefore, I am against any
empires. Empires are unnecessary. However, one can also
not destroy Russia as such. Russia has its own geopolitical
space. We do not need anything from outside. Finland
should stay Finland, and Poland [should stay Poland] too.
WRE: You include the CIS [Commonwealth of Independ-
ent States] countries in your definition of Russia. However,
if you want to annex the former Soviet republics to Russia,
THE WOODSTOCK ROAD EDITORIAL
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wre special EXCLUSIVE TNTERVTEW
they will probably struggle against it. How do you propose
to reincorporate these states into Russia?
Zhirinovsky: The creation of the CIS was illegal!
WRE: Nevertheless, the former Soviet republics are inde-
pendent states today. How would you bring about the
creation of the Russian province "Dushanbe", for example,
in place of the current state of Tadjikistan?
Zhirinovsky: They already agree in Tadjikistan that there
will be a Dushanbe province! This is all because of the war.
In the south, all this came to pass on account of war. In
Central Asia and the Caucasus they will fight among them-
selves for a while. And then, they will want to be incorpo-
rated into Russia as provinces. The Baltic countries will
return to Russia because of economic measures....
WRE: Which is doubtful....
Zhirinovsky: Who will supply energy to Estonia? Timber,
metals - who will supply these things?
WRE: Russia - on the basis of mutual....
Zhirinovsky: But we will not give anything! We will supply
nothing!
WRE: Still, these countries would hardly agree to become
parts of Russia again.
Zhirinovsky: We shall see. They will have to decide. When
they understand that they cannot manage without Russia,
without its economy.... The Russian population there com-
prises half a million, even more. And they will not accept the
status of second-class citizens for long. This will be the
situation, when they come back to Russia.
WRE: Your scenario would be economic blockade and...
Zhirinovsky: ...the agreement to develop the economy
within the framework of a single state. If not, we will trade
with Finland and Turkey, with China and India, but not with
Estonia. Let the Germans and the Swedes supply Estonia!
WRE: One more question on foreign policy: at the last
congress of the National Salvation Front [the umbrella group
which encompasses the extreme opposition parties in Rus-
sia], there was a proposal for Russia to leave the United
Nations, on the grounds that it has allegedly become nothing
more than an extension of the United States. What are your
thoughts on international organizations like the UN or the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank?
Zhirinovsky: If we have in these organisations a position
Russia deserves....
WRE: What do you mean by "a position Russia deserves"?
Zhirinovsky: That we are not counted as lower quality than
we [actually] are.
WRE: After all, Russia already has a defined position as a
member of the Security Council.
Zhirinovsky: Yes. In principle the UN should follow a
neutral line. If it carries out a pro-American policy, this will
be not profitable to us.
WRE: Would you then propose to leave the UN?
Zhirinovsky: Under such circumstances we would leave the
UN. If it plays the role of an international mediator and if it
is an objective and independent organisation, we will support
it. We are opposed to anyone's hegemony and we do not
aspire to such a role ourselves.
WRE: And what is your opinion about the global financial
organisations?
Zhirinovsky: The same. If these organisations act for the
purpose of the recovery of the world economy, we will be
supportive. However, if one group of states enriches itself
through the impoverishment of another group, we will not
take part in this. Although, we will take part in this if we
belong to the group of states which enriches itself at the
expense of the other group. We are ready for this.
WRE: To obtain credits ffbm the IMF, for instance...
Zhirinovsky: ...and not to pay them back!
WRE: ...one has to fulfill certain conditions.
Zhirinovsky: We will not fulfil anything! We will set the
conditions.
WRE: Then there will be no credit.
Zhirinovsky: We do not need it. We will manage without
it. Conditions are negotiated with us on an equal basis -
partnership relations. We will ourselves dictate conditions
to other countries. They should not dictate conditions to us.
WRE: Still, one cannot do without compromises.
Zhirinovsky: Compromises - definitely, but compromises
which take into account the interests of Russia. Let us take
the division of spheres of influence. Let us divide the planet
into such spheres.
WRE: And what sort of "sphere of influence" would you
demand for Russia?
Zhirinovsky: The very smallest! Only three countries:
Turkey, Iran and Afghanistan. For Western Europe - the
whole of Africa. Let them deal with that. For North America
4
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EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW WRE Sp***1
- all of South America. For Japan - all of Southeast Asia, the
Philippines, Australia and New Zealand. This results in a
very good division: from the North towards the South.
WRE: Turkey is a NATO member.
Zhirinovsky: So what? It waNATO member. Itwi7/belong
to Russia's sphere of influence.
WRE: Maybe Turkey might not agree to this.
Zhirinovsky: It does not have to be asked.
WRE: In Iran and Afghanistan there is the problem of
Islamic fundamentalism....
Zhirinovsky: That's fine. We will neutralise it - this is in
the interests of the West. And the West will pay us for this.
WRE: In cash?
Zhirinovsky: In cash.
WRE: And what amount...?
Zhirinovsky: We will see. The sum we need at that moment.
We will calculate what it will cost for us, and the West will
compensate us for that amount. If not, we will direct the
Islamic factor against Western Europe and secure our south-
ern border - through Turkey and the Balkans into Western
Europe. Today there are 4 million Turks in Germany. In
France there are many Arabs.
WRE: Are you focusing on this area because you are an
orientalist by profession?
Zhirinovsky: Yes, this is my area of expertise. This is
exactly the region where one can play well for a very long
time.
WRE: How would you yourself explain your success during
the presidential elections in 1991? You appeared on the
political scene only three weeks before the voting, yet
received significant support [6.2 million votes, or 7.81%].
Zhirinovsky: I was the youngest candidate. I was never a
communist. All the others were communists. I had a clear
position on all the issues. And the Russian question [regard-
ing the 25 million ethnic Russians living outside the Russian
Federation]. And I boldly stated the reasons for our crisis.
All of this caused definite attention and led to this result.
WRE: At this moment [August 1993], according to the
opinion polls, your popularity seems to have fallen.
Zhirinovsky: No, quite the contrary! At this time, I am in
third place, after Yeltsin and [Alexander] Rutskoi [the former
Vice-President]. Yet, Yeltsin is a serving politician and I am
in the opposition. Therefore I am in first place among
politicians of the opposition. And this is their distorted and
manipulated data. If you take the newspaper Pravda: it has
published an interview with General Lebed' [commander of
the Russian forces in the Dniestr region of Moldova] this
week. He has finally admitted that the data from the Tula
division [used to demonstrate strong support among the
military for Yeltsin] was forged in order to benefit Yeltsin.
Today, 28% of the votes are for me, 23% for Yeltsin. That
means if one carries out a real and objective poll, we are
second or third place.
WRE: What is your answer to those journalists who
describe you as a fascist?
Zhirinovsky: Well, when this happened, we brought a civil
suit against them and that was it. It happens.... You can see
fascists now. They are running around. The "Black Shirts"
are marching. We do not have this. We are opposed to any
use of force. Only in the framework of democracy. There-
fore: Liberal Democratic Party. Elections, democracy, free-
dom and so on. We are against any exaggeration. Fascism,
communism and anti-semitism are precluded.
WRE: Then you do not see your party as an extremist one?
Zhirinovsky: By no means. We are a moderate, right-
centrist party twenty degrees right of the centre, like the
Gaullists, Giscard d'Estaing in France, the CDU/CSU in
Germany, the Conservatives in Britain, the democratic Re-
publican Party in the US, the Conservatives in South Africa,
the LDP in Japan and so on.
WRE: Let us say you become the president of Russia and
that you would have to deal with a parliament in opposition.
How would you behave? Would you tolerate such a parlia-
ment?
Zhirinovsky: Of course! It is necessary to try to come to
terms with the parliament and to find compromise solutions.
Early elections are, of course, a possibility.... They take
place in various countries. Still, one has to find a compro-
mise formula, so that there is a stability of power and respect
for the executive and the legislative [branches]. One always
has to find ways which are in accordance with the law.
WRE: This would be consistent with the Western notion of
liberal democracy. Your political history, however, seems to
contradict this. One gets the impression that you are saying
to everybody the things that they want to hear. Your actual
point of view is difficult to discern.
Zhirinovsky: Such is the country, the country....
Andreas Umland is an M.Phil student of Russian and East
European Studies at St Cross College, Oxford. This inter-
view was made possible by a Foreign and Commonwealth
Office Travel Bursary and the support of Mrs. Fiona Fenton
of the British Council in Oxford. Nick Gvosdev, a student of
St Antony's College, helped to prepare the interview.
THE WOODSTOCK ROAD EDITORIAL
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